African Entrepreneurship Record

As Balarnov had anticipated, as a monarchy, the East African government naturally found itself ideologically opposed to the Russian Labor Party regime.

The news of Nicholas II’s "disappearance" stirred significant unrest within the East African government. Consequently, in Nicholas II’s absence, the East African government sought direct dialogue with the Labor Party government through special channels, attempting to "rescue" Nicholas II and his family.

However, the Russian Labor Party regime refused the East African government’s request and denied providing information about the whereabouts of the Tsar and his family, demanding instead that East Africa repatriate Aleksey and other remnants of Tsarist Russia.

Rhine Palace.

The Emperor of the Empire, Ernst, met with Balarnov and Aleksey and their entourage.

"Ambassador Balarnov, we regret to inform you of this bad news. The Russian Labor Party regime has rejected our requests, and at present, we cannot obtain accurate information about the whereabouts of Nicholas II and his family. However, you should prepare psychologically, as it is very likely that Nicholas II and other royal family members face grim prospects," Ernst said to Ambassador Balarnov with a look of regret.

"At the beginning of this year, we sent a message to Nicholas II, but under the interim government at the time, he was unwilling to leave. No one expected the interim government to collapse so quickly. Now, even if Nicholas II wishes to leave, it has become a fantasy."

It wasn’t just East Africa; in fact, the British royal family and other countries had also considered accepting Nicholas II for asylum, but at that time, they did not receive any positive response from Nicholas II himself.

In this case, it’s no wonder that Nicholas II’s relatives seemed powerless. European nobility is like a family; apart from Germany and Austria-Hungary, which had become mortal enemies with former Tsarist Russia, other countries still maintained good relations with Russia.

The Rhein Royal Family was naturally among them. One of Ernst’s deceased aunts had married a Grand Duke of the Russian imperial family, enabling a distant familial connection with the Russian royal family.

Moreover, the Rhein Empire rose late, making it difficult for the country’s newly emerged nobility and upper echelons to intermarry with the great European nobility, so their connections were not very close.

This is entirely understandable. European nobility places great emphasis on lineage and heritage, while many East African nobles rose through warfare and other means, becoming nouveau riches outside of Europe. Naturally, they found it hard to integrate into the European nobility system, unless they were like the Rhein Royal Family, which directly originated from European nobility. But such noble families in East Africa were rare.

Thus, it was easier to establish connections with ancient families of the Far East Empire than with European nobility. Many East African families enhanced their cultural heritage by reviving their family names, given East Africa is a country of immigrants—an unavoidable factor.

Of course, there were indeed cases of intermarriage between European nobility and East African "nobility." Some lesser European nobles were willing to move to East Africa for development.

The term "nobility" was used because the threshold for East African nobility was too low. After all, the method of determining identity by blood relations used in Europe was not suitable for East Africa. In East Africa, noble status was often linked to contributions and honors, with "honorary nobility" prevailing.

The East African government awarded a significant number of honorary noble titles annually, and in East Africa, many high officials themselves did not possess noble status, which meant that higher social stratification was not based on noble identity.

Ernst said, "The Labor Party regime is clearly not a good negotiator. Their style is unlike any country we’ve dealt with before, and they especially despise the nobility and capitalist groups. Therefore, Ambassador Balarnov, if you can still contact your family, it’s best to withdraw from Russia as soon as possible!"

"And Aleksey, you should also try to persuade the royal family members to seek exile abroad; East Africa welcomes you warmly."

East Africa would indeed welcome Russian elites with significant societal wealth to come to East Africa, as it meant an influx of Russian social wealth into East Africa, greatly benefiting the East African economy.

This is the same reason why the United States, in a previous life, liked receiving exiled government personnel, businessmen, or corrupt elements from other countries.

Once they left their own country, apart from having money, they couldn’t stir up anything substantial, having lost their original connections and governmental apparatus in another country.

And their wealth would either be spent in exile or invested elsewhere, inevitably benefiting the host country.

But Ambassador Balarnov was naturally unwilling to accept this. With a heavy heart, he asked, "Honorable Emperor of the Rhein Empire, will you simply watch as the Russian Labor Party regime grows stronger?"

"Them seizing power in Russia means not only disaster for Russia but is a catastrophe for the whole of Europe, even the entire world. Moreover, they are focused in Saint Petersburg, with other parts of Russia still within our control. We have the capability to overthrow this ’evil’ regime."

Ernst feigned helplessness, saying, "We in East Africa also dislike seeing Russia’s current situation, but what East Africa or other countries can do is very limited."

"Europe is currently at war. The UK, France, Germany, and Austria are unlikely to unite to eradicate the Russian Labor Party regime."

"This is the worst case. If Europe is unstable, extra-European countries like East Africa and the United States find it even more challenging to intervene in Russian internal affairs."

"Take us, for example; our primary links with Russia are through Black Sea and Baltic Sea shipping. However, the British will never allow East African military forces through the Suez Canal or English Channel. We can’t even reach the seas near the Dardanelles Strait or the Jutland Peninsula."

"The same goes for the United States. Their only remaining line of communication with Russia is probably the Trans-Siberian Railroad. It is very challenging to reach Russian depths, let alone intervene in its internal affairs."

"So expecting foreign intervention is practically impossible at this stage. You can only rely on your own strength to reclaim power."

Relying on the reactionary forces within Russia to reclaim power, Ernst’s offhand remark belied the great difficulty it posed for Russian reactionary forces.

On one hand, the internal situation within Russia was complex, with reactionary forces splintered into countless factions. Even the nobility was divided into several forces, alongside capitalist forces and regional forces.

Even if Nicholas II were not controlled by the Labor Party now, it would be hard for him to become the leader of Russia’s reactionary forces, as the capitalists represented by the interim government would likely not heed his orders.

Nicholas II had been the most popular figure capable of uniting Russian reactionary forces. Regarding Aleksey, if he were a bit older and had some governance experience, he might fulfill Nicholas II’s role.

But these are precisely what Aleksey lacks; firstly, he’s too young, making it challenging to command authority, a critical factor. Similar to a notable 80s leader in a previous life, age was a major disadvantage, forcing him to gain weight to appear "reliable" for political purposes.

Although he eventually became a laughingstock in other countries, his political skills undeniably helped maintain and solidify his family’s rule on the peninsula.

Moreover, the 80s leader took power near thirty years of age, whereas Aleksey is still a few years shy of adulthood.

Let alone the burden of hemophilia, which meant Aleksey had not previously engaged with Russian governmental affairs, and Nicholas II had no time to teach him the Emperor’s Art.

In Ernst’s view, Aleksey, just having recovered from severe illness, could hardly lead Russian reactionary forces or manage moderately demanding tasks.

On the other hand, the Russian Labor Party regime is no pushover. Ernst had no doubt that even if the other major powers united to eradicate this new regime, it would be extremely challenging.

Solving the Russian problem requires the Allies’ support. Most countries’ connections with Russia can’t bypass the Allies, but the Allies’ current attitude toward the Russian Labor Party is likely very unfavorable.