Chapter 192: A Test of Democracy
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8-September-1921
’’It seems the British have finally managed to calm the situation in Ireland, though with heavy losses on both sides. Now they are preparing to negotiate the fate of the Emerald Isle. They must have realized they would have to keep it occupied for a long time to quell the Irish people’s revolutionary fervor’’ said Manstein, tossing me a newspaper that had arrived in Riga by sea.
’’Well, it seems the Irish affair is finally approaching its conclusion. In any case, it was a fine demonstration of our agents’ capabilities. The assassination was carried out with excellent planning, as were the acts of sabotage against several factories important to the local economy. We can consider the operation a success: heavy British casualties, political and economic instability, the expense of keeping troops mobilized, and everything else. A good slap in the face for the British. Now we will have to turn our attention elsewhere... When the budget permits, perhaps using the money we receive every month from the United States’’ I said, interlacing my fingers as I read the article.
’’For the moment, Africa remains beyond our means. The medical expedition we sent needs more time to study the region’s diseases. Some of our friends in Germany have supplied reports, including those of the Lion of Africa, Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, on the diseases that afflicted his troops, particularly the German officers. While we await the results of those investigations and the development of treatments, I would look elsewhere’’ said Manstein, leaning against his desk without taking his eyes off me.
’’Yes, disease will be a problem almost anywhere. Our men are not accustomed to those lands or the illnesses they might contract from what they eat or simply from being there. But we will encounter similar difficulties in almost every territory where we wish to operate... The other possibility would be India, though that is hardly simple either. For now, we could scarcely do more than send instructors and study the situation. We cannot arrive with a ship full of military supplies without some way of explaining it. Nor do we have a nearby port where we can unload cargo without too many questions. All because Kuwait is under British influence instead of Ottoman control’’ I said thoughtfully, taking out several maps to study how we might establish a network in India.
’’What about the Arab states? Perhaps they would not object to our moving some goods through their territories if we gave them a share’’ suggested Manstein, approaching to examine the maps with me.
’’No... Too risky. The Ottomans ask us no questions. We could unload a hundred tanks in their ports, and they would not even ask for an explanation. We offer them favorable economic terms and contribute to their plans to settle Turks in the region. We employ some sixty thousand people in the oil fields, besides everyone working in construction and the other services, not to mention our assistance to local agriculture. As long as we maintain that relationship, we will have the Ottomans on our side. But that also means we are supporting an enemy of the Arabs... They might agree to help us strike at the British, or they might seize the opportunity to harm us both. I would rather not pursue their support’’ I replied, shaking my head.
’’Russia is out of the question... Persia too, because of British influence, even if it is diminishing. Egypt is under their control. Then the only alternative would be to sail around Africa’’ said Manstein, pressing his lips together, plainly displeased.
’’Yes... It seems to be the only feasible option. We would have to retrace part of the Russian squadron’s voyage during the war against Japan: leave the Baltic and sail to Asia, though not as far as they went. But we would still face the problem of supplies. There is no guarantee the British would not try to inspect our ships at one of the ports where we would have to stop for fuel and provisions. And we would still have customs at the destination to contend with. We could complete the entire voyage only to have the cargo discovered upon arrival’’ I said, scratching my head as I tried to find a solution.
’’What if we turned to the Red Baron? We have aircraft, and we are developing larger machines capable of carrying a considerable quantity of supplies. We could load them with military equipment and drop it into the sea to be collected and brought ashore, far from the main ports. Or fly to some little-frequented area, unload, and return. That would be a possibility, would it not? The air force is already preparing for that flight around the world. Perhaps we could make use of the experience and the small supply ships that will be in the region to support the pilots’’ Manstein suggested thoughtfully.
’’It could work... But first we will have to keep developing those aircraft. A single flight might not arouse much suspicion; dozens or hundreds over the same area would be another matter. Our enemies are not fools. If they see aircraft passing over the same place again and again, it will not take them long to notice that we are dropping cargo by parachute over land or sea. Then the investigations will begin, and they will eventually discover that we are supplying weapons to groups opposed to British rule... Assuming we find any willing to cooperate, since we do not even know whom we could deal with there. There are still many steps to take before we can contemplate driving the British out of India’’ I said, folding my arms as I studied the map.
’’Well, we will have to consider other options. For the moment, there is little we can do to harass the British without a port that would give us a legitimate reason to ship arms’’ said Manstein, pressing his lips together as he frowned.
’’Setting that aside, I had another idea, though this one concerns the government of the duchy more than our efforts to destabilize the British and French colonial empires’’ I said, putting away the maps of the region and taking out others showing population figures from the latest censuses.
’’What is it? More factories or something of the sort?’’ asked Manstein, leaning forward to examine them.
’’No... Though we will have to keep expanding industry. We need to maintain an abundance of jobs to attract immigrants from different parts of Europe and continue integrating them. But this has more to do with the results of our policies. I was thinking of calling elections to fill the seats in the Riga Parliament. I want to see the results of local voting and what they tell us about our government. Apart from a few minor revolts, we have little to tell us whether we are doing a good job of keeping the population satisfied or have merely succeeded in keeping it silent’’ I explained, pointing to the main urban centers and the electoral districts I had considered establishing.
’’Elections? What do you want those for? We are governing well. We do not need to assemble a group of people who do nothing but complain and obstruct everything we have achieved. We have made so much progress precisely because we do not have to spend our days negotiating measures and debating to secure votes’’ replied Manstein with a frown.
’’Because I think we are seeing only part of the picture. We may be overlooking many problems while we concentrate on expanding industry. If we listen only to those who repeat what we want to hear, we could be harming communities that have no way to make themselves heard. Those are the mistakes we must avoid. I do not want to repeat the decisions of that wartime administration that ordered us to slaughter millions of pigs, only for the meat to go to waste and the people to suffer because they no longer had any animals to raise’’ I said with a shrug.
’’But you do not need to call elections to find that out... I thought you wanted to govern as an autocrat, without anyone dictating what you can and cannot do. Giving politicians power will only bring us trouble. Nor can we guarantee the outcome of the voting. If we lose control of the country because of an unfavorable election, everything we have achieved could collapse without our having lost a single battle. The politicians would bring everything to a standstill until they got what they wanted, and their interests would hardly coincide with ours’’ said Manstein, shaking his head.
’’I still think the same way. I am not going to surrender my authority. We have trouble with nationalist groups that dislike seeing their towns fill with Germans and foreigners from elsewhere, especially while we force them to use German. I do not expect them to like it. Those groups would probably gain considerable representation and try to repeal our measures for assimilation and the imposition of a common language. That is why I am talking about an advisory chamber. Its purpose would be to help us determine whether our actions are producing the results we want’’ I replied to Manstein, who still looked unconvinced.
’’Then it would have no powers?’’ he asked, raising an eyebrow.
’’It would have no authority to enforce its decisions. Its representatives would chiefly be expected to report on what is happening in their communities: whether they receive the assistance intended for them, whether construction is progressing, and what their most pressing needs are. They could also submit proposals. We do not always know what the residents need most, and modest assistance, properly used, can do a great deal to change their opinion of us. Besides, the chamber would serve another purpose if groups seeking to break the duchy’s unity began organizing later on’’ I said with a smile.
’’We would have the names of those parties’ leaders and could easily cut their heads off, is that it?’’ asked Manstein, beginning to smile.
’’Right on the mark, my good Manstein. It never hurts to know who leads our rivals, in case they decide to do something foolish. Perhaps no foreign power can use them to interfere in our affairs at present, but nothing is set in stone. The inhabitants might eventually hate us more than they hated the Russians, or the British might make them enough promises. With the British, one never knows. We must remain their friends, but if they ever decide our friendship is no longer useful, or discover what we do behind their backs, one of their first moves might be to finance the rebels’’ I said, walking around the room.
’’As the French do, you mean?’’ remarked Manstein, nodding.
’’Yes. Instead of devoting their scarce funds to rebuilding their country, the French are supporting certain Lithuanian organizations to encourage them to rebel and cause us trouble. They promise them the same shit as always: if they manage to overthrow our governors, they will have an independent country. And they are using Poland as a transit point for their supplies’’ I replied, looking at the officer.
’’Then what are we going to do? Do you want to invade Poland again? They barely have forty thousand soldiers. We could sweep them aside in a swift campaign, as we did last time, and bring their government back into line. They clearly know about the French activities. They are violating the agreement and have not even managed to conceal it properly. Our interrogators have obtained numerous statements pointing to French interference in the Polish government, even if they try to act discreetly and avoid openly harming our interests in the country’’ said Manstein with a slight smile.
’’What for? The French are wasting money on something that yields them scarcely any results. And if we decide to attack Poland for violating the agreement, I want firmer evidence than statements from prisoners, whether they confessed voluntarily or under torture. We need documents. Because the first to raise an outcry will not be Germany, Russia, or France’’ I replied, shaking my head at his proposal.
’’The British. They have the greatest interest in keeping Poland neutral and ensuring that we remain neutral as well. That allows them to put pressure on the two great empires competing directly with them’’ replied Manstein.
’’Exactly. So Poland is not to be touched until we find someone willing to give us that information, our spies obtain documents, or we intercept a telegram proving it. If we secure that evidence, perhaps we will spend twenty-five days in Warsaw executing politicians, restoring Germany’s supporters to power, and suspending elections for who knows how long... But for now, let us prepare our own. I was thinking of something quick, in four days. Without giving them too much time to prepare. I want to see which leaders come out of hiding as soon as the elections are announced’’ I said with a faint smile.
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If there are spelling mistakes, please let me know.
Leave a comment; support is always appreciated.
I remind you to leave your ideas or what you would like to see.
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